March 23, 2023

Growing criticism from American conservatives of the U.S. role in supporting Ukraine is largely based on views what we think Putin’s real interests are, and not on his record.

Take, for example, American army veteran and columnist, Kurt Schlichter,  in Townhall:

… this territorial dispute – which it is – is not a vital American interest that overcomes other priorities and that is worth endless treasure and maybe even blood. We generally hope Ukraine wins, but this is not our fight.

Schlichter’s opinion is shared by others with greater influence.  Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, echoing the territorial dispute notion, says that the fate of Ukraine is not a vital U.S. interest, and South Dakota governor Kristi Noem and Missouri Senator Josh Hawley think efforts in Ukraine weaken our strength versus China. In other words, the critics for the most part are not strict isolationists but view support of Ukraine as undermining our ability to confront our chief challenger on the world stage: China.  Schlichter believes Putin has a vital interest in keeping the Chinese from invading Russia’s resource-rich land of Siberia to its north.  Thus, he sees the potential for bringing Putin to our side, balancing China.

There are a few problems with this.  First, since when is a conflict where one side has made no secret of its intention to swallow up another “a territorial dispute”?

Second it ignores Putin’s stated motivations.  Putin has made it clear that his aims go beyond Ukraine, that he views the collapse of the Soviet empire as “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century” and that he sees his mission as restoring Russia’s territorial reach. He had taken chunks of neighboring Georgia (2008) before doing the same to Ukraine in 2014. A secret plan drawn up by Russia’s security service, the FSB, obtained and disclosed by a consortium of media, lays out detailed options to destabilize Moldova – including supporting pro-Russian groups, utilizing the Orthodox Church and threatening to cut off supplies of natural gas.

Third, Putin is not a man of his word.  He assured Ukraine he would not invade.  Then he invaded.  Russia violated the Intermediate Range Nuclear Missile Treaty with the USA.  Also Russia signed a nuclear arms treaty with the U.S. and then forbade inspections.

So how limited are Putin’s aims?   Does he only want the eastern part of Ukraine?  Or perhaps all of Ukraine?   Or would he stop after reconstituting the old borders of the Soviet Union? Or worst scenario, could he join China and attack the United States?

Critics of American support for Ukraine might say we lived with the Soviet Union in its old, expanded borders—it’s no serious concern of ours if Putin restores them.

Some arguments we hear today echo of a different debate in the 1930s.  British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, said this: