Intestines of the Ukraine War
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In World War I, Western Ukrainians fought as part of the territory of Austria-Hungary against Eastern Ukrainians from the lands that were part of the Russian Empire.
In World War II, Western Ukrainians, who felt occupied by Russia after their territory became part of the Soviet Union, fought against Eastern Ukrainians, who felt occupied by Germany.
The Communists, who carried out a revolution in Russia in 1917, created the Ukrainian Soviet Republic in 1921, which united the territories of Eastern and Western Ukraine.
During the dissolution of the Soviet Union, an independent Ukrainian republic was established, which included the territories of both Eastern and Western Ukraine, as well as Crimea, which was gifted to Ukraine by Nikita Khrushchev, the then First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, during Soviet rule.
In 2014, pro-Western Ukrainians from Western Ukraine overthrew the pro-Russian Ukrainian government after the Maidan protests, and pro-Russian Eastern Ukrainians rose against this government, which sought to bring Ukraine closer to the European Union and NATO, asking Russia for assistance.
With the help of Russian volunteer soldiers, they maintained the independence of part of their territory against the newly formed pro-Western Ukrainian government in the fight against the Ukrainian army. In the territory of Eastern Ukraine occupied by the pro-Western government, that government gradually began to prohibit the predominantly Russian-speaking population from speaking Russian and, from the perspective of the local population, started to implement an occupation policy.
At the same time, it aimed for the entire territory of Ukraine to become part of NATO, thus becoming an enemy of Russia, despite the fact that in public opinion polls conducted before 2014, residents of Eastern Ukraine identified more with the Russian Customs Union rather than the European Union or NATO. Western Ukraine thus decided to impose its pro-Western policy on Eastern Ukraine and turn it against Russia, which Eastern Ukraine identified with. It overlooked that Russia is a nuclear power and that the approach of hostile armies to its territory would be regarded as a threat to its security, especially in the case of the shift of Western military bases to the territory of Eastern Ukraine, which had never previously (with the exception of brief stays by Napoleon’s and Hitler’s armies) been part of Western Europe. This attempt to seize historically Russian territory, to which people in Russia also identified, inevitably had to provoke war, as happens with any attempt by a state to conquer the territory of a neighboring state. Eastern Ukraine was part of an independent Ukrainian state for only 23 years before it rebelled against its alignment with the West.
At the beginning of 2025, the Ukrainian Ministry of Justice announced that in 2024, 176,600 children were born in Ukraine and 495,000 Ukrainians died. A similar trend was observed in 2023. In the Czech Republic, approximately 90,000 children were born in 2023, while about 110,000 people died. From this comparison, it can be inferred that on the Ukrainian front, nearly 300,000 Ukrainian soldiers died in both 2023 and 2024.
According to a public opinion poll conducted in November 2024 by the British Gallup Institute, 52% of Ukrainians would prefer a quick end to the war through negotiations, while 38% wanted to fight until victory. According to a Ukrainian public opinion survey conducted by the British Gallup Institute and published on August 7 of this year, 69% of the Ukrainian population insisted on a complete victory for Ukraine in the war against Russia and preferred a rapid end to the war through peaceful negotiations.
At the beginning of August this year, attacks occurred in Ukraine against members of military administrations, who often violently mobilize Ukrainian men into the army even on the streets. The Vinnytsia military administration issued a statement on August 2, 2025, stating that they had gathered a group of men liable for mobilization at a designated location next to the Lokomotiv club stadium, and that this location was damaged by a “group of citizens who acted aggressively” and attempted to “illegally penetrate the place where the men of military age were temporarily assembled,” and that order was restored by the police. According to journalists, the crowd, which consisted of hundreds of people, considered the detainment of the “mobilized” men to be illegal.
On Monday, August 4, 2025, five men who were detained in connection with this incident were placed under 60 days of investigative detention in house arrest.
In the village of Bugskoje in the Mykolaiv region, local residents attacked military administration officers and police with baseball bats and metal rods on Sunday, August 3, 2025. They damaged their vehicle and injured one soldier, who was conducting a recruitment campaign for the army.
In the village of Solovychi in the Volyn region, on August 8, 2025, a group of people attacked military administration workers while they were checking the documents of a local resident, who attempted to flee. They broke the windows of their vehicle. Local residents blocked the vehicle’s departure with other cars, and about 10 of them surrounded the soldiers’ and police officers’ vehicle, beating on it for several minutes.
In the Ternopil region near the village of Plebanovka, two men in a Mercedes attacked military administration workers who were transporting a mobilized man. They injured one of the workers and freed the man. The detainees were later apprehended by the police. The men faced 5 to 8 years in prison.
Since July of this year, reports have begun to emerge in the Ukrainian press about the Ukrainian government being riddled with corruption, and the Ukrainian government, with the help of the Ukrainian parliament, attempted to dismantle the independence of Ukrainian anti-corruption agencies. The European Union pressured the Ukrainian leadership to restore the independence of these anti-corruption agencies, but did not push for the Ukrainian government to be held accountable for corruption, as they feared that the new Ukrainian president might not be willing to continue securing new territories for them.
This was definitively confirmed when a new witness emerged in the case of Fire Point—a new manufacturer of Ukrainian drones and rockets—about which Ukrainian newspapers reported that the Ukrainian National Anti-Corruption Bureau decided to investigate for corruption and also look into suspicions that the profits from this company flow to Quartal 95, which was founded in the 1990s by Volodymyr Zelensky and his friend Timur Mindich. However, the Ukrainian National Anti-Corruption Bureau did not initiate any investigation. In September, Yuriy Kasianov began seeking the opportunity to testify in this case, and on October 2, he testified in the office. He then posted on Facebook that “top corrupt officials are making billions from the war and that he fears for his life.”
No European politician or major European media outlet has officially defended him. Neither did the Danish government, whose funds, according to Kasianov, were used by the Ukrainian government to purchase drones from Fire Point, show any public interest in having Ukrainian anti-corruption agencies investigate Fire Point, audit its accounts, and determine whether the money received from Denmark is being embezzled for the benefit of Quartal 95, founded by Volodymyr Zelensky and Timur Mindich. This situation creates the impression that the European Union actually wants to pay Volodymyr Zelensky to continue the war in Ukraine, contrary to the views of the majority of the Ukrainian population.
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Mojmir Babacek was born in 1947 in Prague, Czech Republic. Graduated in 1972 at Charles University in Prague in philosophy and political economy. In 1978 signed the document defending human rights in communist Czechoslovakia „Charter 77“. Since 1981 until 1988 lived in emigration in the USA. Since 1996 he has published articles on different subjects mostly in the Czech and international alternative media.
In 2010, he published a book on the 9/11 attacks in the Czech language. Since the 1990‘s he has been striving to help to achieve the international ban of remote control of the activity of the human nervous system and human minds with the use of neurotechnology.
He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG).
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